6.1.127

इकोऽसवर्णे शाकल्यस्य ह्रस्वश्च

Operational rule vidhi

According to शाकल्य, In the context of संहिता a पदान्त-इक्-letter, when followed by an असवर्ण अच्-letter undergoes ह्रस्वादेशः and then no other sandhi happens.

Word by word (padaccheda)

Target ṣaṣṭhī · ekavacanaRight context असवर्णे saptamī · ekavacanaTarget शाकल्यस्य ṣaṣṭhī · ekavacanaSubstitute / term prathamā · ekavacanaIndeclinable च avyaya
  • Target Ṣaṣṭhī (6th case): names what gets replaced, "in place of X" (1.1.49 षष्ठी स्थानेयोगा).
  • Right context Saptamī (7th case): "when X follows", the operation applies to what precedes (1.1.66 तस्मिन्निति निर्दिष्टे पूर्वस्य). Also a condition or domain ("in the sense of").
  • Substitute / term Prathamā (1st case): in operational rules, the substitute or the thing introduced; in definitions, the term or its referent.
  • Indeclinable An avyaya such as च "and", वा "optionally", न "not".

Dotted words are technical terms, dashed ones pratyāhāras (names for classes of sounds or affixes). Hover or tap one to see its card.

Full reading

असवर्णे शाकल्यस्य च

Pāṇini leaves out words that carry over from earlier sūtras. Expand to see the rule as a reader actually understands it.

As a rewrite rule (sketch from case endings)
शाकल्यस्य → / असवर्णे

Replace ikaḥ śākalyasya with hrasvaḥ when asavarṇe follows. Inherited words (anuvṛtti) may add further conditions.

Commentary

According to the opinion of शाकल्य , the simple vowels with the exception of अ , when followed by a non-homogenous vowel, retain their original forms; and if the vowel is long, it is shortened.
Thus दधि अत्र, मधु अत्र, कुमारि अत्र, किशोरि अत्र ॥ In the alternative we have दध्यत्र, मध्वत्र, कुमार्यत्र, किशोर्यत्र ॥ Why do we say 'the इक् vowels i.e. simple vowels with the exception of अ'? Observe खट्वेन्द्रः ॥ Why do we say 'followed by a non-homogenous vowel'? Observe कुमारीन्द्रः ॥ The name of Sakalya is mentioned for the sake of respect. Because the alternative nature of this sutra is clear from its very formation.

Vart:- This rule of Sakalya is prohibited in the case of words formed by an affix having an indicatory स् and of words which form invariable compounds (nitya samasa):- Thus अयं ते योनिर्ऋत्वियः, प्रज्ञां विदाम ऋत्वियाम् The word ऋत्विय is formed by a सित् affix, namely by घस् 5.1.106, added to ऋतु; and therefore the उ is changed to व ॥ Before a सित् affix the previous word is considered a pada 1.4.16 Of nitya-compounds are वैयाकरणः, सौवश्वः, व्याकरणं, कुमार्यर्थम् which are so by 2.2.18 &c.
Vart:- In the Vedas ईषा अक्षः &c are found uncombined. As, इषा अक्षा, का ईमिरे पिशंगिला, यथा अङ्गदः, पथा अगमन् &c.

Śrīśa Chandra Vasu, The Ashtadhyayi of Panini (1897), via ashtadhyayi.com.

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